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1984年民主党主旨演讲

    1984 Demoatioioe Address

    1984年民主党全国大会主旨演讲

    delivered 16 July 1984, San Francisco, CA

    Thank you very much.

    Ohe great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank yreat privilege of beio address this . Please allow me to skip the stories ahe temptation to deal i vague rhetoric. Let me ihis valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions that should determiion and that we all ko the Ameri people.

    让我代表伟大的帝国大厦和整个纽约大家庭,感谢你们能够在本次大会上发言。请允许我跳过这些故事和诗歌,以及用优美但模糊的修辞来处理的诱惑。相反,让我利用这个宝贵的机会立即处理决定这次选举的问题,我们都知道这些问题对美国人民至关重要。

    Ten days ago, President Reaga although some people in this try seemed to be doing well nowadays, others y, eve themselves, their families, aures. The President said that he didhat fear. He said, \"Why, this try is a shining  a hill.\" A is right. In many ways we are a shining  a hill.

    十天前,里根总统承认,尽管现在这个国家的一些人似乎表现不错,但其他人对自己、家庭和未来感到不高兴,甚至担心。总统说他不理解这种恐惧。他说:“为什么,这个国家是一座山上的闪耀城市。”总统说得对。在许多方面,我们是一座山丘上的闪耀城市。

    But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city\'s splendlory. A shining city is perhaps all the Presidehe portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyoo be doihere\'s ahere\'s ao the shihe part where some people \'t pay their mes, and most you afford os \'t afford the edu they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their  evaporate.

    但残酷的事实是,并不是每个人都能分享这座城市的辉煌和荣耀。总统从白宫的门廊和牧场的阳台上看到的也许只有一座闪亮的城市,那里的每个人似乎都过得很好。但还有另一座城市;闪耀着城市的另一部分;有些人付不起抵押贷款,而大多数年轻人也付不起;在那里,学生负担不起他们所需要的教育,中产阶级的父母看着他们为孩子所做的梦想破灭。

    In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who  d it. Evehere are elderly people who tremble is of the houses there. And there are people who sleep ireets, ier, where the glitter doesn\'t shhettos where thousands of you a job or aioheir lives away t dealers every day. There is despair, Mr. Presidehat you dohe places that you don\'t visit in y city.

    在城市的这一部分,比以往任何时候都有更多的穷人,更多的家庭陷入困境,越来越多的人需要帮助但却找不到帮助。更糟糕的是:有老人在那里的房子地下室里发抖。还有人睡在城市的街道上,在阴沟里,那里没有闪光。在贫民区,成千上万的年轻人,没有工作或教育,每天都把自己的生命献给毒贩。总统先生,在你没有看到的脸上,在你闪耀的城市里你没有去过的地方,都有绝望。

    In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation -- Mr. President you ought to know that this natioale of Two Cities\" than it is just a \"Shining  a Hill.\"

    事实上,总统先生,这是一个国家——总统先生,你应该知道,这个国家更像是一个“双城记”,而不是一个“山丘上的闪耀之城”。

    Maybe, maybe, Mr. President, if you visited some more places; maybe if you alachia where some people still live in sheds; maybe if you went to Laa where thousands of ueel hy we subsidized fn steel. Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President, if you stopped ier in d spoke to the homeless there; maybe, Mr. President, if you asked a woman who had beehe help she o feed her  because you said you he moax break for a millionaire or for a missile we \'t afford to use.

    也许,也许,总统先生,如果你访问了更多的地方;也许如果你去阿巴拉契亚,那里有些人仍然住在棚子里;如果你去拉卡万那,成千上万的失业钢铁工人想知道我们为什么补贴外国钢铁。也许——也许,总统先生,如果你在芝加哥的一个庇护所停下来,和那里的无家可归者交谈;也许,总统先生,如果你问一个女人,她被剥夺了养活孩子所需的帮助,因为你说你需要钱来给百万富翁减税,或者买一枚我们买不起的导弹。

    Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President. But I\'m afraid he truth is, ladies a this is hoar would be. Presideold us frinning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism. Survival of the fittest. \"Gover d,\" we were told, so it should settle f care  a ebition and charity will do the rest. Make the rich rid what falls from the table will be enough for the middle d th desperately to work their way into the middle class.

    也许,也许,总统先生。但恐怕不行。因为事实是,女士们先生们,这就是我们被警告的方式。里根总统从一开始就告诉我们,他相信一种社会达尔文主义。适者生存有人告诉我们,“政府不能无所不能”,所以它应该满足于照顾强者,并希望经济野心和慈善事业能解决其余问题。让富人更富有,桌上的东西对中产阶级和那些拼命想进入中产阶级的人来说就足够了。

    You know, the Republis called it \"tri\" wheried it.  \"supply side.\" But it\'s the same shining city for those relative few who are luough to live in its good neighborhoods. But for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out, all they  do is stare from a dista city\'s glimmering towers.

    你知道,当胡佛尝试时,共和党人称之为“涓涓细流”。现在,他们称之为“供给侧”。但对于那些幸运地生活在其良好社区的相对少数人来说,这是一座闪亮的城市。但对于那些被排斥在外的人,对于那些被锁在门外的人,他们所能做的就是从远处凝视着那座城市闪闪发光的塔楼。

    It\'s an old story. It\'s as old as our history. The differewees and Republis has always been measured in d ce. The Republis -- The Republis believe that the wagon train will he frontier uhe old, some of the youhe weak are left behind by the side of the trail. \"The strong\" -- \"The stroell us, \"will ihe land.\"

    这是一个古老的故事。它和我们的历史一样古老。民主党人和共和党人之间的差异总是以勇气和信心来衡量的。共和党人——共和党人相信,除非一些老年人、一些年轻人和一些弱者被留在路边,否则马车将无法到达边境。“强者”——“强者,”他们告诉我们,“将继承土地。”

    We Democrats believe ihing else. We democrats believe that we  make it all the hole family intad we have more than once. Ever sinklied himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon trairaiiers of edu, housihe whole family aboard, tly reag out to extehat family; liftio the wagon on the way; blad Hispanid people of every ethnic group, and native Ameris -- all th to build their families and all share of Ameriearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of fort, ay, and dignity, even affluend remember this, some of us in this room today are here ohis nation had that kind of d it w tet that.

    我们民主党人相信其他东西。我们民主党人相信,我们可以在整个家庭完好无损的情况下一路前行,而且我们不止一次。自从富兰克林·罗斯福(Frankli)从轮椅上站起来,把这个国家从一辆接一辆的马车上抬到教育、住房和和平的新前沿;全家人都在船上,不断伸出援手扩大家庭;在路上把他们抬上马车;黑人和西班牙裔,每个种族的人,以及土著美国人——所有那些努力建立自己的家庭并要求美国的一小部分份额的人。近50年来,我们把他们带到了舒适、安全、尊严甚至富裕的新水平。请记住,今天在座的一些人之所以来到这里,仅仅是因为这个国家有这样的信心。忘记这一点是错误的。

    So, here we are at this ind ourselves where we  and to claim the future for ourselves and for our . Treat Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fas, from , is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from  and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.

    因此,我们在这个大会上提醒自己,我们来自哪里,并为我们自己和我们的孩子宣布未来。今天,我们伟大的民主党拯救了这个国家,使其免于萧条、法西斯主义、种族主义和腐败,我们呼吁它再次这样做——这一次是为了使这个国家免于混乱和分裂,免于最终财政灾难的威胁,最重要的是免于核灾难的恐惧。

    That\'s not going to be easy. Mo Udall is exactly right -- it won\'t be easy. Ao succeed, we must answer our oppo\'s polished and appealih a m reasonableness and rationality.

    这不容易。莫·乌达尔是对的——这不容易。为了取得成功,我们必须用更能说明问题的合理性和合理性来回应对手精雕细琢、吸引人的言辞。

    We must win this erits. We must get the Ameri public to look past the glitter, beyond the sho to the reality, the hard substahings. And we\'ll do it not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound; not so much with speeches that will briheir feet as with speeches that will briheir se make -- We must make the Ameri people hear our \"Tale of Two Cities.\" We must ce them that we dole for two cities, that we  have oy, indivisible, shining for all of its people.

    我们必须根据案情胜诉。我们必须让美国公众超越炫耀,超越表演者,看到现实,看到事情的实质。我们要做的,与其说是好的演讲,不如说是好和好的演讲;与其说是让人们站起来的演讲,不如说是让人清醒过来的演讲。我们必须——我们必须让美国人民听到我们的“双城故事”。我们必须让他们相信,我们不必满足于两座城市,我们可以拥有一座不可分割的城市,为所有的人而发光。

    Noill have hat if what es out of this  is a babel  voices. If that\'s what\'s heard throughout the , dissident sounds from all sides, we will have ell e. To succeed we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual io build a platform that we  all stand on, at onfortably -- proudly singing out. We need -- latform we  all agree to so that we g out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so d anding that no sli Avenue erouy, no martial music will be able to muffle the souh.

    现在,如果这次会议的结果是一片争论的声音,我们将没有机会这样做。如果这是整个竞选过程中听到的,来自各方的异议声音,我们将没有机会传达我们的信息。为了取得成功,我们必须放弃我们个人利益的一小部分,建立一个平台,让我们所有人都能立即、舒适地站在这个平台上——自豪地高唱。我们需要——我们需要一个大家都能同意的平台,这样我们就可以齐声为全国人民唱出真相,让他们听到它的逻辑如此清晰和威严,以至于没有华丽的麦迪逊大道广告,没有多少亲切,没有任何军事音乐能够掩盖真相的声音。

    As must us must u the eion ite, because surely the Republi\'t bring this try together. Their policies divide the nation into the lud the left-out, iy and the rabble. The Republis are willi division as victory. They would ation in half, iemporarily better off and those worse off thahey would call that division recovery.

    我们民主党人必须团结起来。我们民主党人必须团结起来,这样整个国家才能团结起来,因为共和党人肯定不会把这个国家团结起来。他们的政策将国家分为幸运者和左撇子,分为皇室成员和乌合之众。共和党人愿意将这种分歧视为胜利。他们会将这个国家一分为二,分为暂时富裕的国家和比以前更糟糕的国家,他们会称之为分裂复苏。

    Now, we should not -- we should not be embarrassed or dismayed rihe proifying is diffi wreng at times. Remember that, uher Party, we embrad women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every eic  our family are gathered everyohe abject poor of Essex  o the enlightehe gold coasts at both eion. Awee of our cy -- the middle class, the peh to be worry-free, but o be ohe middle class -- those people wh because they have to, not bee psychiatrist told them it was a t way to fill the iween birth ay. White d blue c professionals. Men and women in small busie for the d tracts that they o prove their worth.

    现在,我们不应该——如果统一的过程是困难的,甚至有时是痛苦的,我们不应感到尴尬、沮丧或懊恼。请记住,与任何其他政党不同,我们拥抱不同肤色、不同信仰、不同取向、不同经济阶层的男女。从纽约埃塞克斯郡的赤贫到美国两端黄金海岸的开明富裕,我们家里的每个人都聚集在一起。介于两者之间的是我们选区的核心——中产阶级,他们没有足够的财富让他们无忧无虑,但也没有足够的贫困让他们享受福利;中产阶级——那些为了生计而工作的人,因为他们不得不这样做,而不是因为一些精神科医生告诉他们,这是一种方便的方式来填补出生和永恒之间的间隔。白领和蓝领。年轻的专业人士。小企业中的男性和女性都渴望获得证明自己价值所需的资本和合同。

    We speak for the minorities who have he mainstream. We speak for ethnit to add their ag mosaic that is America. We speak -- We speak for women whnant that this o etto its goveral ents the simple rule \"thou shalt not sin agaiy,\" a rule so simple --

    我们为尚未进入主流的少数民族说话。我们代表那些希望将自己的文化融入美国这一壮丽拼图的民族。我们为那些对这个国家拒绝将“你不应违背平等”这一简单规则写入政府命令感到愤怒的女性说话--

    I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not but I will. It\'s a ent so simple it  be spelled iers: E.R.A.

    我正要说,也许我不敢,但我会的。这是一条非常简单的命令,可以用三个字母拼写:E.R.a。

    We speak -- We speak f people demaion and a future. We speak for senior s. We speak for senior s who are terrorized by the idea that their oheir Social Security, is beiened. We speak for milli people fighting to preserve our e from greed and from stupidity. And we speak for reasonable people whhting to preserve our very existenasige refuses to make iempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our ehey refuse. They refuse, because they believe ile missiles so high that they will pierce the d the sight of them will frighteo submission.

    我们为要求教育和未来的年轻人说话。我们为老年人说话。我们为那些被他们唯一的安全保障——社会保障——受到威胁的老年人说话。我们代表数百万为保护我们的环境免受贪婪和愚蠢之害而奋斗的理性人士。我们为理智的人说话,他们正在为保护我们的生存而斗争,因为他们拒绝做出明智的尝试,与我们的敌人讨论核毁灭的可能性。他们拒绝了。他们拒绝了,因为他们相信我们可以把导弹堆得很高,它们会穿透云层,看到它们会吓到我们的敌人屈服。

    Now we\'re proud of this diversity as Democrats. We\'re grateful for it. We doo mahe ublis will h in Dallas, by propping up maes oion floor. But e\'re proud of this diversity, rice for it. The differe we represent have different points of view. Ahey pete ae, and eve\'s rimaries were all about. But now the primaries are over and it is time, when we pididates and our platform here, to lod move into this  together.

    现在,作为民主党人,我们为这种多样性感到自豪。我们对此表示感谢。我们不必像共和党人下个月在达拉斯那样,在大会上支撑模特代表。但我们,虽然我们为这种多样性感到自豪,但我们为此付出了代价。我们所代表的不同的人有不同的观点。有时他们会竞争,甚至辩论,甚至争论。这就是我们初选的目的。但现在,初选已经结束,当我们在这里挑选候选人和我们的政纲时,是时候团结起来,共同进入这场竞选。

    If you need aion to put some small part of your own differee this sus, then all you o do is to refle ubli policy of divide and cajole has dohis land sinow the President has asked the Ameri people to judge him o he\'s fulfilled the promises he made fo. I believe, as Democrats, we ought to accept that ge. And just for a mome us sider what he has said and what he\'s done.

    如果你需要更多的灵感来抛开自己的一小部分分歧来达成共识,那么你所需要做的就是反思自1980年以来共和党的分裂和哄骗政策对这片土地做了什么。现在,总统要求美国人民对他是否履行了四年前的承诺进行评判。我认为,作为民主党人,我们应该接受这一挑战。让我们考虑一下他说了什么,做了什么。

    Inflation -- Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply-side miraised to us by the President. Inflatiohe old-fashioned way: with a re, the worst sinoe -- We could have brought inflation do did he do it? 55,000 bawo years of massive u; 200,000 farmers and ranchers forced off the land; more homeless -- more homeless than at ahe Great Depression in 1932; mry, in this world of enormous afflueed States of America, mry; more poor, most of them women. And -- And he paid , a nearly 200 billion dollar deficit threatening our future.

    通货膨胀——自1980年以来,通货膨胀率一直在下降,但这并不是因为总统向我们承诺的供给奇迹。通货膨胀是以老式的方式降低的:经济衰退,是1932年以来最严重的一次。现在,我们——我们本可以这样降低通货膨胀。他是怎么做到的?55000起破产;两年的大规模失业;20万农民和牧场主被迫离开土地;无家可归的人比1932年大萧条以来的任何时候都多;在这个富足的世界上,美国更加饥饿;更多的穷人,大多数是女性。他还付出了另一件事,将近2000亿美元的赤字威胁着我们的未来。

    make the Ameri people uhis deficit because they don\'t. The Preside is a dired dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to bala by 1983. He is it? The deficit is the largest iory of the u -- Preside budget had a deficit less thahird of this deficit. It is a deficit that, ag to the President\'s own fiscal adviser, may grow to as much 300 billion dollars a year for \"as far as the eye  see.\" And, ladies a is a debt se -- that is almost one-half of the mo from the persoax each year goes just to pay the i is a me on our \'s future that  be paid only in pain and that g this nation to its knees.

    现在,我们必须让美国人民理解这一赤字,因为他们没有。总统的赤字是对他在1980年承诺到1983年平衡预算的直接和戏剧性的否定。赤字有多大?这是宇宙历史上最大的赤字。卡特总统的上一份预算赤字不到赤字的三分之一。根据总统自己的财政顾问的说法,这是一个赤字,每年可能会增长到3000亿美元,“据我们所见”。女士们,先生们,这是个巨大的债务,几乎是我们每年从个人所得税中收取的钱的一半,用于支付利息。这是我们孩子未来的抵押贷款,只能在痛苦中偿还,这可能会让这个国家屈服。

    Now don\'t take my word for it -- I\'m a Democrat. Ask the Republivestment bankers on Wall Street what they think the ces of this rec perma are. You see, if they\'re not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they\'ll say that they\'re appalled ahe Preside. Ask them what they think of our ey, now that it\'s beehe distorted value of the dollar back to its ial . ing agricultural produd imp manufaes. Ask those Republivestmehey expect the rate of io be a year from now. Ahey dare tell you the truth -- you\'ll learhey predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.

    现在不要相信我的话,我是民主党人。问问华尔街的共和党投资银行家们,他们认为经济复苏永久性的可能性有多大。你看,如果他们不太尴尬地告诉你真相,他们会说他们对总统的赤字感到震惊和恐惧。问问他们对我们的经济有何看法,因为美元的扭曲价值已经将我们的经济推回到了殖民地状态。现在我们出口农产品,进口制成品。问问那些共和党投资银行家,他们预计一年后的利率是多少。问问他们——如果他们敢于告诉你真相——你会从他们身上学到,因为赤字,他们预测一年后的通货膨胀率。

    Now, how important is this questio. Think about it practically: What ce would the Republididate have had in 1980 if he had told the Ameri people that he io pay for his so-ic recovery temployment, more homeless, mry, a gover known to humankiold the voters in 1980 that truth, would Ameri voters have sighe loae for him oion Day? Of ot! That was aion won ue ith smoke and mirrors and illusions. And that\'s the kind of recovery we have now as well.

    现在,赤字问题有多重要。实事求是地想一想:如果这位共和党候选人在1980年告诉美国人民,他打算用破产、失业、无家可归、饥饿和人类所知的最大政府债务来支付所谓的经济复苏,他会有什么机会?如果他在1980年告诉选民这一事实,美国选民会在选举日为他签署贷款证书吗?当然不是!那是一场以虚假借口赢得的选举。它是用烟雾、镜子和幻觉赢得的。这也是我们现在的复苏。

    But what abn policy? They said that they would make us and the whole world safer. They say they have. By g the largest defeory, ohey now admit is excessive -- by esg to a frenzy the nuclear arms radiary rhet to discuss peaies; by the loss of 279 young Ameri Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a polio one d or describe.

    但外交政策呢?他们说他们会让我们和整个世界更安全。他们说他们有。通过创造历史上最大的国防预算,即使是现在他们也承认这是过度的——将核军备竞赛升级为狂热;煽动性言论;拒绝与敌人讨论和平;在黎巴嫩,279名年轻美国人因追求一项无人能找到或描述的计划和政策而丧生。

    We give moin Amerients that murder nuns, and the. We have beehan zealous in support of our only real friend -- it seems to me, in the Middle East -- the ohere, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel. Our -- Our policy -- n policy drifts with iohan an hysterient to an arms race that leads nowhere -- if we\'re lud if we\'re not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.

    我们给那些谋杀修女的拉丁美洲政府钱,然后我们撒谎。我们没有那么热心地支持我们唯一真正的朋友——在我看来,在中东——那里唯一的民主国家,我们的血肉盟友,以色列国。我们的——我们的政策——我们的外交政策没有真正的方向,只有歇斯底里地致力于一场毫无结果的军备竞赛——如果我们幸运的话。如果我们不这样做,它可能会导致我们破产或战争。

    Of ust have a strong defense! Of ocrats are f defense. Of ocrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight. Ahousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives. But always -- when this try has been at its best -- our purposes were ow they\'re not. Now our allies are as fused as our enemies. Now we have ment to our friends or to our ideals -- not thts, not to the refuseniks, not to Sakharov, not to Bishop Tutu ahers struggling for freedom in South Africa.

    当然,我们必须有强大的防御!当然,民主党人支持强有力的防御。当然,民主党人相信,有时我们必须站起来战斗。我们有。我们成千上万的人为自由付出了生命。但是,当这个国家处于最佳状态时,我们的目标总是明确的。现在他们不是了。现在我们的盟友和敌人一样困惑。现在,我们对我们的朋友或我们的理想没有真正的承诺——不是对人权,不是对拒绝者,不是对萨哈罗夫,不是对图图主教和其他在南非争取自由的人。

    We -- We have i feehan we  afford. ounded our d made bold speeches. But we lost 279 young Ameri Lebanon and we live behind sand bags in Washington. How e say that we are safer, stroter?

    在过去的几年里,我们花了很多钱。我们捶胸顿足,发表了大胆的演讲。但我们在黎巴嫩失去了279名年轻美国人,我们生活在华盛顿的沙袋后面。谁能说我们更安全、更强大或更好?

    That -- That is the Republi record. That its disastrous quality is not more fully uood by the Ameri people I ly attribute to the President\'s amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesma.

    这就是共和党的记录。美国人民并没有更充分地理解其灾难性的品质,我只能将其归因于总统的和蔼可亲以及一些人未能将推销员与产品区分开来。

    And, no it\'s up to us. Now it\'s up to you ao make the eriihat if they are not happy with all that the President has done so far, they should sider hoill be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years urained.

    现在,现在,现在由我们决定。现在由你和我来向美国说明情况。为了提醒美国人,如果他们对总统迄今为止所做的一切感到不满意,他们应该考虑,如果总统再任由他的激进倾向肆无忌惮地生活四年,情况会变得多么糟糕。不受约束。

    Now, if -- if July -- if July brings ba Gorsuch Burford -- eber? here would another four years take us? Where would four years more take us? How much larger will the defiuch deeper the  programs f middle d the poor to limit that deficit? How high will the ies be? How much more a killing our forests and fouling our lakes?

    现在,如果——如果七月——如果七月让安·戈萨·伯福德回来——我们对十二月有什么期待?再过四年我们会去哪里?再过四年我们会去哪里?赤字将增加多少?为了限制赤字,对挣扎中的中产阶级和穷人的计划削减力度有多大?利率会有多高?还有多少酸雨杀死了我们的森林,污染了我们的湖泊?

    And, ladies alemehink of this -- the nation must think of this: What kind of Supreme Court will we have?

    女士们,先生们,请大家想想这个国家必须想想:我们会有什么样的最高法院?

    Please. [bes audiele down]

    请[示意观众安静下来]

    We -- We must ask ourselves what kind of d try will be fashiohe man who believes in havi mandate peion and morality; the mahat trees pollute the ehe mahat -- that the laws against disation agaioo far; a maens Social Sed Medid help for the disabled. Hoe pile the missiles? How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? And, ladies alemen, will four years more make mea of the Ameri people? This eleeasure the record of the past four years. But more than that, it will aion of what kind of people we want to be.

    我们——我们必须扪心自问,一个信奉政府授权人民的宗教和道德的人将塑造什么样的法院和国家;相信树木污染环境的人;这个人认为,反对歧视人民的法律走得太远了;威胁社会保障和医疗补助以及帮助残疾人的人。我们要把导弹堆多高?我们和敌人之间的鸿沟会有多深?女士们先生们,再过四年,美国人民的精神会变得更加卑鄙吗?这次选举将衡量过去四年的记录。但更重要的是,它将回答我们想要成为什么样的人的问题。

    We Democrats still have a dream. We still believe in this nation\'s future. And this is our ahe question. This is our credo:

    我们民主党人仍然有一个梦想。我们仍然相信这个国家的未来。这是我们对这个问题的回答。这是我们的信条:

    We believe in only the gover we  we insist on all the gover we need.

    我们只相信我们需要的政府,但我们坚持我们需要的所有政府。

    We believe ihat is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reaso goes beyo doesn\'t distort or promise to do things that e \'t do.

    我们相信一个以公平和理性为特征的政府,一个超越标签的理性,不会扭曲或承诺做我们知道我们不能做的事情。

    We believe iroo use words like \"love\" and \"passion\" ao vert our  aspirations into practical realities.

    我们相信一个足够强大的政府,能够使用“爱”和“同情”等词语,并且足够聪明,能够将我们最崇高的愿望转化为现实。

    We believe in eng the tale we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a g des of the process of evolutio of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.

    我们相信鼓励有才华的人,但我们相信,尽管适者生存可能是进化过程的一个很好的工作描述,但人类政府应该把自己提升到更高的层次。

    We -- over -- over should be able to rise to the level where it  fill the gaps that are left by ce or by a wisdom we don\'t fully uand. We would rather have laws writteron of this great city, the mahe \"world\'s most si,\" St. Francis of Assisi, than laws written by Darwin.

    我们——我们——我们的政府——我们的国家应该能够达到这样的水平,它可以填补偶然或我们不完全理解的智慧所留下的空白。我们宁愿让这座伟大城市的赞助人、被称为“世界上最真诚的民主党人”的阿西西圣弗朗西斯制定法律,也不愿让达尔文制定法律。

    We believe -- We believe as Democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent demo the world\'s history, o d trillions os of destru, ought to be able to help the middle  its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who  at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, ahe destitute. And we proclaim as loudly as we  the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better thah.

    我们相信——作为民主党人,我们相信,一个像我们这样幸运的社会,一个世界历史上最富裕的民主国家,一个可以花费数万亿美元购买毁灭性武器的社会,应该能够帮助中产阶级进行斗争,应该能够为所有能做到这一点的人找到工作,为无家可归者提供住处,照顾老人和体弱者,为贫困者带来希望。我们尽可能大声地宣布核扩散的疯狂和核冻结的必要性,即使只是为了确认一个简单的事实:和平胜于战争,因为生命胜于死亡。

    We believe in firm -- We believe in firm but fair law and order.

    我们相信坚定——我们相信坚定但公平的法律和秩序。

    We believe proudly in the u.

    我们自豪地相信工会运动。

    We believe in a -- We believe -- We believe in privacy for people, openness by gover.

    我们相信,我们相信,人们的隐私,政府的公开。

    We believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights.

    我们相信公民权利,我们相信人权。

    We believe in a single -- We believe in a single fual idea that describes better thabooks a I could er gover should be: the idea of family, mutuality, the sharis ahe good of all, feeliher\'s pain, shariher\'s blessings -- reasonably, holy, fairly, without respect to race, raphy, or political affiliation.

    我们相信一个——我们相信一种比大多数教科书和我能写的任何演讲都能更好地描述一个真正的政府应该是什么的基本理念:家庭、相互关系、为所有人的利益分享利益和负担、感受彼此的痛苦、分享彼此的祝福——合理、诚实、公平、不分种族或性别,或地理或政治归属。

    We believe we must be the family of Ameriizing that at the heart of the matter we are bouher, that the problems of a retired school tea Duluth are our problems; that the future of the child -- that the future of the  Buffalo is our future; that the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive aly is le; that the hunger of a woman in Little Rer; that the failure ao provide what reasoo avoid pain, is our failure.

    我们相信我们必须是美国的大家庭,认识到问题的核心是我们彼此相连,德卢斯一位退休教师的问题是我们的问题;孩子的未来——布法罗孩子的未来就是我们的未来;波士顿一名残疾人为生存和体面生活而进行的斗争是我们的斗争;小石城一个女人的饥饿是我们的饥饿;我们在任何地方都未能提供合理的东西,以避免痛苦,这就是我们的失败。

    Now for 50 years -- for 50 years we Democrats created a better future for  traditioiciples as a fixed beag us dired purpose, but tly innovating, adaptiies: Roosevelt\'s alphabet programs; Truman\'s NATO and the GI Bill hts; Keelligent tax ihe Alliance fress; Johnson\'s civil rights; Carter\'s human rights and the nearly mirap David Peace Accord.

    50年来——50年来,我们民主党人为我们的孩子创造了一个更美好的未来,将传统的民主党原则作为固定的灯塔,给我们指明方向和目标,但不断创新,适应新的现实:罗斯福的字母表计划;杜鲁门的北约和《美国士兵权利法案》;肯尼迪的明智税收激励和进步联盟;约翰逊的民权;卡特的人权和几乎奇迹般的戴维营和平协议。

    Democrats did it -- Democrats did it as  do it again. We  build a future that deals with our deficit. Remember this, that 5ress under our pri us what the last fnation have. And we  deal with the defitelligently, by shared sacrifice, arts of the nation\'s family tributing, building partnerships with the private sect a sou depriving ourselves of what we o feed our  and care for our people. We  have a future that provides for all the you, by marrying on sense and passion.

    民主党做到了——民主党做到了,民主党可以再次做到。我们可以建立一个应对赤字的未来。记住这一点,在我们的原则下,50年的进步从未让我们失去过去四年的停滞。我们可以通过共同的牺牲,明智地应对赤字,让全国家庭的所有成员都做出贡献,与私营部门建立伙伴关系,在不剥夺我们养育子女和照顾人民所需的资源的情况下提供良好的防御。通过结合常识和同情心,我们可以拥有一个为现在所有年轻人提供服务的未来。

    e , because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980. And we  do it agai fet -- if we det that this eion has profited by these progressive prihey helped lift up geo the middle d higher; that they gave us a ce to to college, to raise a family, to owo be se e ahts that our ows would not have dared dream of.

    我们知道我们可以做到,因为我们在1980年之前做了将近50年。如果我们不忘记,如果我们不忘,整个国家都从这些进步原则中受益;他们帮助提升了一代又一代的中产阶级和更高阶层;他们给了我们工作、上大学、养家糊口、拥有房子、晚年安稳的机会,在那之前,我们有机会达到父母不敢梦想的高度。

    That struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining d it\'s a story, ladies a I didn\'t read in a book, or learn in a . I saw it a, like many of you. I watched a small man with thick calluses on both his hands work 15 and 16 hours a day. I saw him oerally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here ued, aloo speak the laaught me all I o know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example. I lear our kind of demoy father. And I lear atioher from him and from my mother. They asked only for a ce to work ahe world better for their , ahey asked to be prote those momehey would o protect themselves. This nation and this natio did that for them.

    这场有尊严的生活斗争是这座闪耀城市的真实故事。女士们先生们,这是一个故事,我没有在书中读过,也没有在课堂上学到。我看到了它,也过着它,就像你们许多人一样。我看到一个双手长着厚厚老茧的小个子男人每天工作15到16个小时。有一次,我看到他真的从脚底流下了血,一个没有受过教育,独自一人来到这里,不会说这种语言的人,他通过他简单的口才,教会了我所有关于信仰和努力工作的知识。我从父亲那里学到了我们的民主。我从他和我母亲那里了解到我们对彼此的义务。他们只要求有一个工作的机会,让孩子们的世界变得更美好,他们——他们要求在那些无法保护自己的时刻得到保护。这个国家和这个国家的政府为他们做了这些。

    And that they were able to build a family and live in dignity aheir  go from behile grocery store in South Jamai the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat, iate, iion, in the only , is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.

    他们能够建立一个家庭,过上有尊严的生活,看到他们的一个孩子从他们在南牙买加的小杂货店后面走到他出生的地方,在这个最伟大的国家,在这个我们所知道的唯一的世界里,占据最高的席位,这是对民主进程的一种无法形容的美丽致敬。

    And -- And ladies alemen, on January 20, 1985, it en again -- only on a much, muder scale. We will have a  of the Ues, a Demo not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants. And we will have America\'s first resident, the igrants, and she -- she -- she will open with one magroke, a whole ier for the Ues.

    女士们,先生们,1985年1月20日,这将再次发生,只是规模更大。我们将有一位新的美国总统,一位不是由国王的血,而是由拓荒者和移民的血而生的民主党人。我们将迎来美国第一位女性副总统,移民的孩子,她——她——她将以一个壮丽的笔触开启美国的新边疆。

    Now, it en. It e happen; if you a happen. And I ask you now, ladies ahers ahe good of all of us, for the love of this great nation, for the family of America, for the love of God: Please, make this natioures are built.

    现在,这将发生。如果我们让它发生,它就会发生;如果你和我能做到。女士们,先生们,兄弟姐妹们,为了我们所有人的利益,为了这个伟大国家的爱,为了美国的家庭,为了上帝的爱:请让这个国家记住未来是如何建立的。

    Thank you and God bless you.

    谢谢你,上帝保佑你。
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